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    福祉国家

    政治 国際 関連語 ギリシャ 自由主義 民主党政権
    • Britain Resists Austerity to Cure Budget Woes
      Britain is showing little appetite to take a knife to a welfare state that by some measures has also become the largest in Europe. 英国の福祉国家のためにいくつかの手段によっても、ヨーロッパで最大規模となっているナイフを取るにはほとんど食欲を見せている

    • Britain unveils harsh spending cuts to tackle record deficit
      Britain said on Wednesday it would cut half a million public sector jobs, raise the retirement age and slash the welfare state as part of the biggest spending cuts in a generation. イギリスは、50万人の公共部門の雇用を削減する退職年齢を引き上げるとスラッシュ福祉国家世代の最大の歳出削減の一環として、明らかにした

    • CHAN AKYA : London riots reduce lies of left to ashes
      London's burning shops are proof that rioters aren't sated but spoiled by welfare states, whose costs will never be recovered absent miraculous economic growth. Europeans must cut the welfare state today, or the Chinese and Indians will do it for them tomorrow. ロンドンの燃えるお店は、暴徒が補償されますが、そのコストが不在の奇跡的な経済成長を回復されることはない福祉国家によって台無しにされていないことの証明です

    • Food Banks Show That Government Welfare Isn't Needed
      No, that's a little too strong but food banks do indeed show that the possibly over-weening welfare states of Europe aren't the only possible response to poverty. いいえ、それはちょっと強すぎるだが、フードバンクは、確か。。u200b。。u200bにヨーロッパの可能性があるオーバーweening福祉国家が貧困にのみ可能な応答ではないことを示してください

    • How to Make the US More Like Europe
      There's a general sense on the American left that the US should become more like Europe. A more generous and encompassing welfare state for example, perhaps less income inequality. 米国はより多くのヨーロッパのようになっていることをアメリカの左の一般的な意味があります

    • Can the UK afford to bail out Ireland?
      UK citizens are facing tough times themselvesPoor old Ireland, felled horribly in the crash. It's splendid really, that British sympathy extends to a possible bail-out from George Osborne's Treasury. But one does wonder where the money is coming from, as UK citizens themselves feel the lash of austerity. Of course, many commentators continue to insist that British government cuts are not necessary. Huge debt after the second world war is their benchmark example, for that was no bar to the setting up of the welfare state. However, those same critics are also fond of insisting that they see no reason to believe that a private sector recovery will rescue us now, as the coalition envisages.Here, however, is exactly where those second world war analogies break down. Who could have imagined a possible boom, in the wake of working men returning home from war, industry moving back from munitions to private industry, technology advancing furiously, and consumption beginning to rise after wartime sacrifice? Pretty much everybody, I would have thought.European debt crisisEuropean monetary unionEuropean UnionEconomic policyIrelandDeborah Orrguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds 英国の市民が事故で恐ろしく伐。厳しい回themselvesPoor、古いアイルランド、直面している

    • UK govt to stop welfare cash for some unemployed
      The British government unveiled a radical shake-up of the welfare state Thursday, saying it would withhold benefit payments for up to three years from those who refuse to take jobs.Prime Minister David Cameron's government wants to introduce a sliding scale of penalties for those who either decline a job offer, fail to apply for a job they are advised to or do not turn up for mandatory four-week work placements.The weekly 65 pound unemployment benefit will be withheld for three months from those who violate any of the three conditions. 英国政府は、それが誰jobs.Prime大臣デビッドキャメロンの政府は、これらに対する罰則のスライド制を導入したいことを拒否するものから3年間まで給付を差し控えると言って、根本的な振るポップアップ福祉国家の木曜日に発表した人いずれかの減少は、求人、彼らは、またはすることをお勧めします必須4週間の作業placements.The週65ポンドの失業給付交流にしないでください人の違反者から3ヶ月間の源泉徴収される仕事に応募するには失敗の3つの条件のいずれか

    • Morality and state spending are not linked | Julian Glover
      It is folly to think if we spent 10% more on welfare we'd be 10% more moral. There's nothing ethical about creating dependenceThe question: What are the ethics of welfare reform?As an atheist intruder into this Cif belief discussion on welfare, I should tread carefully. I don't draw my morality from a series of texts or believe that there is only one version of right and wrong. But I know what I feel – and that is huge resentment at the suggestion that our national morality is best measured by the level of government spending.It is quite easy to persuade yourself that the more the state spends, the fairer society will be – and from that deduce that people who question spending are immoral. The charge is thrown at the coalition every day: cuts, far from being a reasonable response to our national circumstances (if not the only possible one) are a tool being used deliberately by the cruel and immoral to wreck society.Liberals of all types should be able to rise above such simplicities. It seems to me palpably stupid to think that if the central state could spend 10% more, we would all be 10% more moral – and so that by spending 10% less, we will somehow diminish as a nation. This is the folly into which Gordon Brown's Treasury welfarism led us. It also accounts for the preening self-regard of parts of the British left, which rids itself of any guilt about the perpetual failure of its schemes by reminding itself that the intention was good and the spending high – but then, just never quite high enough.Nor, by the way, do I think that the opposite is automatically true. Cuts and lower spending cannot in themselves be a purifying force. The simple point is that there is no exact level of state spending that can make a society more or less moral. What matters is how the money 我々は10%以上道徳的なことだろう福祉の10%以上使った場合は、考えて愚かです

    • Germany is kicking away props of global recovery | Phillip Inman
      Germans must realise their desire for a rich lifestyle will destroy everything the European Union had painstakingly constructedThe Germans are getting out of hand. First, they play a key role in causing the financial crisis. Then, just as the world starts to claw its way back to some kind of normality, they start kicking the props away.This accusation is not about fighting the second world war again or inciting xenophobia, but a reality check on how those peace-loving, social-democratic Germans are selfishly jettisoning ailing European Union countries, starting with Greece, to maintain probably the richest, most all-embracing cradle-to-grave welfare state on the planet.The fault lies mainly with Germany's large baby-boomer middle class, which now share the same aspirations as the aristocrats of the past – namely, a long and prosperous and supremely idle retirement.Like a rogue elephant in search of food, German investors have stripped the bark from almost every tree in the savannah. To maintain an artificially high standard of living and that promised retirement, they seem intent on eating what remains.If we go back five years to the point where the US subprime housing boom was beginning to implode, German investors were begging for homes to buy. Not directly, that would be risky. They wanted derivatives of US home loans that could be valued, insured and traded. They had already bought billions of pounds worth of mortgage-backed securities and were on the look out for more. Deutsche Bank was one of the biggest players in the market.German investors love bonds. They are deemed safer than shares and offer a steady return. Except that, by 2005, a steady return was not enough. They wanted double-digit returns and the likes of Goldman Sachs gave it to them in the form of the ドイツ人は豊かなライフスタイルのために欧州連合が苦心してconstructedTheドイツ人が手に負えなくなっているものすべてを破壊する自分の欲望を実現する必要があります

    • May Europe's multicultural new generation succeed where we failed | Loretta Napoleoni
      Writing to her son, Loretta Napoleoni looks forward to a continent breaking free of history's straitjacketDear Julian,Next year you're 18 and will leave secondary school, no doubt excited and at the same time worried. For the average European teenager, the future must look both bleak and exciting at the moment. Joblessness, mountains of debt, prophecies of monetary meltdown and the rare prospect of a secure professional career muddy the view.Thirty-five years ago a generation of school leavers – your parents – looked at a future equally thrilling and bleak. Coming of age in the shadow of nuclear holocaust and terrorism, this generation had to make do with double-digit inflation and unemployment.And yet it also sparked a sexual revolution, embraced communism and anti-conformism. In the 1970s, this generation also took to the streets, yelling anti-government slogans, opposing school reforms considered backward and elitist. It demanded free access to university in a continent equally on the brink of political collapse. Then the iron curtain was raised, Germany accomplished its long-lasting dream of reunification, and Europe even overcame the energy crisis. In the mid-1980s European economies had started growing again and enjoyed what appeared to be a long period of stability. But all that turned out to be one gigantic illusion.Almost everyone – politicians and bankers alike – abused what shy recovery there was, profited from deregulation and offshoring, outsourced jobs abroad while dismantling the remnants of the welfare state at home. In just one generation, income inequalities threw us back to the inter-war years, preparing the ground for a new great depression, only this time right on our doorstep.What went wrong? Our endemic desire to be part of an elite, to be differe 彼女の息子への書き込み、ロレッタNapoleoniを使用すると、18している中学校を残して歴史のstraitjacketDearジュリアンの自由を壊す大陸、来年、興奮は間違いないと心配して、同時に楽しみにしています

    • French lessons: pension protests | Editorial
      As the welfare state is rolled back all over Europe, a cause is being fought in France which we would do well to watchThere is at least one difference between May '68 and what has been happening in France for the last 11 days. In '68 the protest by workers and students erupted after a prolonged period of unprecedented economic growth. Today mass protest follows decades of high unemployment – particularly for the young. In the last two years it has risen by 17% for the under-25s. The social ladder in France is broken. Little wonder that among the millions of demonstrators who have turned out against President Nicolas Sarkozy's pension reforms – at one point one in 20 of all the people in France – tens of thousands are sixth-formers. Behind the pensions revolt is a deep fear of unemployment which will only be worsened by workers delaying retirement.Before we in Britain scoff too quickly at the French for racing to the barricades to preserve a pension system which, to our eyes, looks generous, it is worth being clear about what is being fought over and what is not. There is a broad consensus, and has been for at least seven years, that the French pension system is bust. In a pay-as-you-go system, too few active workers are paying for too many pensioners. As the number of pensioners is set to increase from 15 million in 2008 to nearly 23 million in 2050, the ratio of active workers to pensioners will reduce still further. Depending on both the rate of long-term unemployment and labour productivity, the deficit in the state pension system, currently running at €32bn or 1.7% of GDP, could explode in the next decade to reach something more like 3% of GDP. That is a lot for any state to pay on pensions.The issue is not whether this system should be reformed but how. Who is to s 福祉国家は、ヨーロッパ各地ロールバックされるように、原因は、フランスが我々がwatchThereと良いでしょうで戦いましたされる5月。。u0026#39;68、何最後の11日間のフランスで起こっている間に少なくとも一つの違いです

    • Protest in France: Reform and reaction | Editorial
      This is a make-or-break moment for the unions and for Nicolas Sarkozy, who sees a pensions victory as the centrepiece of a range of reformsFrench unions were out on the streets yesterday hoping to repeat their past success in defeating plans to reduce the pension entitlement of French workers. After all, they forced a previous president, Jacques Chirac, to retreat on pensions, as well as bringing down one of his prime ministers on the issue. So this is a make-or-break moment for the unions and for Nicolas Sarkozy, who sees a pensions victory as the centrepiece of a range of reforms which will transform his faltering presidency.As the French assembly begins an extraordinary session to decide on changes to the pensions system, while the senate considers budget cuts, a new security law and a law to ban the burqa, there is a sense that France faces dangerous choices. If the reforms go through unmodified the country will have diluted welfare state achievements and cut its responsibilities to citizens, at the same time as it becomes a more hard-faced society for migrants and minorities. On the other hand, if Sarkozy's reforms are derailed, that could wreck what remains of his presidency and might even bring about the credit downgrading which all European governments fear so much.Sarkozy wants to raise the age at which workers can choose to retire by two years to 62 and the age when they get a full pension from 65 to 67. France's pension provisions are more generous than those of most of its neighbours. Trimming them a little might seem to outsiders not unreasonable, given that the pensions burden is steadily becoming less sustainable as the ratio of retirees to people in work worsens, which it is doing everywhere in Europe. But that is to ignore the French left's fear that an これは昨日の計画を年金を減らすために破りでの過去の成功を繰り返すことを望んで確認または瞬間組合のための休憩を、ニコラサルコジ、reformsFrench組合の範囲の中心として年金の勝利を見てのアウト通りにあったがフランスの労働者の権利

    • Letters: The requirements of a decent society
      Since 1948, Britain has supported the principle of social solidarity through state pensions, healthcare, education and other public services provided by society as whole. This idea is now under threat.Whoever wins the next general election will be targeting the welfare state and public services as a way of cutting public expenditure to pay for the mistakes of the bankers and speculators. Never was so much put at risk by so few.What they seem to forget is that good public services are important to everyone at every stage of their life from the cradle to grave. That is why we are supporting the demonstration in London on 10 April to remind all politicians that a civilised, compassionate society needs a welfare state and decent public services that pool life's risks and provide support to all who need it, irrespective of their individual ability to pay.Brendan Barber TUC, Lee Billingham Love Music Hate Racism, Christine Blower NUT, Brian Caton POA, Bob Crow RMT, Jeremy Dear NUJ, Gerry Doherty TSSA, Peter Fisher NHS Consultants' Association, Dot Gibson National Pensioners Convention, Sally Hunt UCU, Tony Kearns CWU, Chris Keates NASUWT, Paul Kenny GMB, Prof Harry Keen NHS Support Federation, Jonathan Ledger Napo, Hamish Meldrum BMA, Lesley Mercer Chartered Society of Physiotherapists, Gerry Morrissey Bectu Keith Norman Aslef, Peter Pendle ACM/AMiE, Dave Prentis Unison, Alan Ritchie Ucatt, Wendy Savage Keep Our NHS Public, Mark Serwotka PCS, Eileen Short Defend Council Housing, Derek Simpson Unite, Vanessa Stanislas Disability Alliance, Christine Steel Carers Poverty Alliance, Gordon Taylor PFA, Tony Woodley Unite, Matt Wrack FBUPublic services policyTax and spendingPublic financeGeneral election 2010LabourConservativesProtestFinancial crisisguardian.co.uk © Guardi 1948年以来、英国は国家年金、医療、教育など公共サービス、社会全体で提供される社会的連帯の原則をサポートしています


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